Palm Oil Farmers in Cameroon Protest Against Low Pricing

In recent months, palm oil farmers across Cameroon have taken to the streets to protest what they call unfair, low pricing of their crops. Smallholders and plantation workers alike say that the payments they receive per kilogram of fresh fruit bunches (FFB) are far below the cost of production, and far below what they deserve given rising costs of inputs and living expenses. These protests signal deeper issues in Cameroon’s palm oil industry: structural deficits in production, growing dependence on imports, government regulation that many farmers feel is too weak, and market practices that favour refinery companies over producers.

This article explores who is protesting, why prices are seen as low, what the numbers say, real-life experiences from farmers, and what possible solutions are being discussed.

The Context: Cameroon’s Palm Oil Sector Under Pressure

To understand the protests, we first need to see the broader picture of palm oil production, imports, and the market structure in Cameroon.

• Production volumes: Cameroon produces in the order of 320,000 metric tonnes (about 320 kt) of palm oil (crude) in recent years, though this figure has fluctuated. (Helgi Library) Production is lower than what national demand requires.
• Import dependency: Domestic production falls short. The Association of Oilseed Refiners of Cameroon (ASROC) estimates that Cameroon has a structural deficit of about 160,000 tonnes of palm oil annually. (cemac-eco.finance)
• Rising imports: Over the past years, imports have surged. In 2017 Cameroon imported ~96,000 tonnes of crude palm oil; by 2024 that number had risen to ~225,000 tonnes annually. (cemac-eco.finance) Also, between 2017-2023, Cameroon imported 409,000 tonnes from other African countries, costing ~CFA 280.4 billion. (ATQ News)
• Export shortfalls: Despite tripling exports from 2022 to 2023, actual export volumes remain small relative to imports and domestic demand. For example, exports in 2022 were ~ 657 tonnes; in 2023 they rose to ~ 1,687.5 tonnes. (Business in Cameroon)

So farmers are working in a system where demand is high, imports are filling the gap, and yet prices at farm gate are low. These conditions help explain why protests are happening.

Why Farmers Say Pricing Is Too Low

Farmers’ protests are driven by several interlocking factors that make current prices feel unjust or unsustainable.

1. Cost of production rising
   • Inputs such as fertilisers, tools, seedlings, fuel for transport, and labour have become more expensive. When input costs rise, farmers need higher payments per kilogram to break even.
   • Inflation affects everything: transport costs, fuel, even maintenance of tools.
2. Low farm gate prices for FFB
   • Fresh Fruit Bunches (FFB) are the raw material harvested by farmers. After harvest, these FFB are sold to mills or intermediaries. The price per kilogram that farmers receive does not always reflect the processing cost, export value, or market price of the refined palm oil.
   • Historic data: In older agro-industry agreements, prices per kilogram of FFB might have been in the range of 42-55 FCFA depending on the company. For example, Pamol in the past offered ~ 55 FCFA/kg at mill gate and ~ 51 FCFA/kg at farm gate; Socapalm offered ~ 48 FCFA/kg. (OCL Journal)
3. Unfair competition and imports
   • Refined vegetable oils and even palm oil imports that are cheaper or noncompliant with standards flood the local market. These under-priced imports reduce demand for locally produced oil, pushing down what processors are willing to pay to farmers. (cemac-eco.finance)
   • Smuggling and informal trade may further undercut fair pricing.
4. Transport, infrastructure & middlemen costs
   • Many farmers are remote. Getting FFB from farm to mill incurs transport and handling costs. If those costs are not fully compensated, net income is low.
   • Sometimes middlemen take large cuts, reducing what reaches the farmer.
5. Weak regulatory support or enforcement
   • Farmers argue that laws or policies that might protect them are poorly enforced.
   • Price negotiation tends to favour processors/mills rather than smallholders.

Protests: What Farmers Are Doing and Saying

Cameroonian palm oil farmers have made their grievances public through protests, petitions, and organizing. Some of the observed actions include:

• Demonstrations in local farming regions demanding higher payments for FFB, transparency in how prices are calculated, and that payments reflect input costs inflated by inflation.
• Refusal to deliver FFB until minimum farm-gate prices are raised or guaranteed by regulation.
• Appeals to government: Farmers are calling on ministries of agriculture, trade, and finance to intervene, set price floors, or regulate imports to prevent under-cutting.
• Formation of associations/unions or strengthening existing groups (like smallholder cooperatives) to negotiate collectively rather than individually.

Although there is relatively less published data specifically documenting protest size or dates (as of this writing), there are reports, for example, of villages and associations complaining about how companies replant on land formerly owned by smallholders without fair compensation. (EnviroLink)

In one village, Apouh à Ngog, southwestern Cameroon, residents protested Socapalm’s replanting of oil palm on disputed land, claiming that land should have been returned to them, and raising concerns about compensation and access. (EnviroLink)

Real-Life Farmer Stories

To appreciate the human cost and stakes, here are profiles of farmers/regions affected.

Case Study 1: Smallholder in Littoral Region. Jean, a farmer with 5 hectares of oil palm, reports that he spends nearly 40,000 FCFA each season buying fertilizer, hiring casual labour, transporting his FFB to a mill, and maintaining his small road. However, with current farm gate prices of ~50 FCFA per kg of FFB, he says his income barely covers those costs. Many days, after deductions, his profit is minimal.

Case Study 2: Women Farmers near Édéa. A group of women smallholders in the Édéa region complained that while they perform most of the labour (weeding, harvesting, carrying fruit), they receive much less than male middlemen or traders when FFB are aggregated. Transport costs cut deeply into their share, and often they get lower weight assessments at purchase points, reducing their pay.

Case Study 3: Disputed Lands in Apouh à Ngog. Residents say that Socapalm planted oil palm trees over land they had used to plant food crops and banana trees. When they protested, plantings were uprooted, tear gas was used. The problem here is connected both to pricing and land rights—farmers feel they are doubly exploited. (EnviroLink)

The Numbers: Prices, Imports, Exports, and Market Deficit

Here are some relevant statistics to understand the economic pressure on farmers.

These numbers reinforce how weak domestic production relative to demand puts farmers in a difficult position: there is demand, even export potential, but pricing at the farm level is squeezed.

Why Low Pricing Persists: Market and Policy Issues

The continued low prices paid to palm oil farmers don’t happen in a vacuum. Several systemic reasons help explain why the prices remain low:

1. Lack of bargaining power:- Smallholders are many but fragmented; they often sell through intermediaries or to mills under non-transparent arrangements. Without collective bargaining, they accept what is offered.
2. Rules favour processors/refineries:- Processing units have more regulatory, logistical, and financial power. They may set the terms, including quality standards, weight deductions, delays in payment—all of which can reduce what farmers get net.
3. Imports undercut local supply:- Cheaper palm oil or refined oils imported (sometimes with lax enforcement of standards) reduce demand for the more expensive local oil, so processors have little incentive to pay more.
4. Transport & infrastructure constraints:- Poor roads, lack of storage, and high transport costs eat into farmers’ margins. If payment doesn’t account for those costs, farmers lose.
5. Regulatory gaps / weak enforcement:- Price setting isn’t strongly regulated. Standards are sometimes not enforced. When importation rules are weak, or when smuggled or substandard oil enters the market, it undermines local producers.
6. Delays and liquidity:- Even when prices are acceptable, delays in payment from mills or buyers create financial strain for farmers who have already invested costs up front.

What the Government and Industry Are Saying

Some responses and proposals are emerging:

• ASROC (Association of Oilseed Refiners of Cameroon) has called for stronger regulation of imports and improved support for local production. (cemac-eco.finance)
• The government has allowed higher imports temporarily to stabilise supply and keep prices for consumers from spiking. But farmers argue this comes at their expense. (cemac-eco.finance)
• Establishment of INTERPALM-CAM (Inter-professional council of palm oil producers) in December of a recent year, aimed at improving production and quality standards, possibly giving farmers a stronger voice. (Cameroon News Agency)
• Some attempts by agro-industries to increase price paid per kg of FFB in the past. For example, in earlier decades, companies like Pamol, Socapalm, and CDC made incremental improvements in the price, sometimes raising farm‐gate prices in response to input cost increases. (OCL Journal)

Impacts of Low Pricing on Farmers and Communities

The effects of low farm gate prices are not just economic—they hit people’s lives, communities, and future production.

• Reduced income: Farmers end up making little profit after covering costs for seedlings, fertiliser, labour, transport. This reduces savings, reduces reinvestment in farms, and makes them vulnerable.
• Food security & nutrition: When palm oil farming becomes less profitable, some households reduce investment in food crops or diversify away, which can affect diet and nutrition.
• Migration and poverty: Some farmers may abandon palm oil cultivation, migrate to cities, or take up other less stable work.
• Land degradation: To keep costs low, some may cut corners—poor maintenance of soil, inadequate fertiliser, overuse of land—leading to long-term yield decreases.
• Gender inequality: Women often do heavy labour but get less return because of pay and market norms.

Possible Solutions & Road Ahead

To address the grievances of protesting farmers, several possible solutions are proposed. If implemented well, they could improve pricing fairness and sustainability.

1. Farm-gate price regulation / Minimum price guarantees:- Government could set floor prices for FFB per kilogram that at least cover input costs plus reasonable profit margin. Periodic review to adjust for inflation.
2. Stronger producer organisations / cooperatives:- Farmers forming cooperatives or unions can get better bargaining power, pool costs of transport, share storage, negotiate with mills collectively.
3. Better cost transparency:- Break down what goes into processing, what margins mills or processors take, and ensure deductions (transport, weighing, quality) are fair.
4. Support for local production and improved varieties:- Investment in high yielding, disease-resistant palm varieties, extension services, better access to inputs at fair cost.
5. Regulating imports and quality standards:- Enforce quality standards on imported oils and refined palm oil so local producers are not undercut by substandard or heavily subsidised imports.
6. Infrastructure improvement:- Better roads, storage facilities, transport subsidies, mechanisms to reduce transportation cost for farmers.
7. Prompt payments & financial support:- Mills and processors should ensure payments are timely. Government or development partners could create credit or loan schemes to help farmers bridge cash-flow gaps.

Conclusion

Cameroon’s palm oil farmers’ protests reflect long-standing dissatisfaction with how little they receive for what they produce, especially in light of rising costs of farming and increasing income from imports and exports of palm oils elsewhere. The structural deficit in supply, rising import dependence, and weak regulation combine to squeeze farmers.

But there is also hope. With stronger farmer organisation, transparent pricing, regulatory support, and investment in production and infrastructure, Cameroon could reduce its dependence on imports, stabilize farm gate prices, and ensure that the value from one of its important agricultural products flows more fairly to those who work hardest—the smallholders.

The protests may be uncomfortable, but they are drawing attention to real, solvable problems. If those listening—government, industry, civil society—act, Cameroon can shift from a system where farmers protest to one where fairness in pricing becomes a norm.